How to be a conservative

Scruton leads into the book with a description of his childhood. His father was a working class guy, a labor voter by habit who distrusted the aristocracy in a way that only an English workingman can. Nonetheless, he was quite conservative in his own way. Scruton has a good quote to the effect that people tend to be conservative in the matters that are closest to them. His father worked with his hands, and was conservative when it came to architecture. He savored hanging on to what was good, old and true in English church and secular architecture.The second chapter introduces the theme of conservativism. People grow up in a web of relationships that is already in place, supporting them as they grow. From the inside out, it includes parents, extended family and clan, neighborhood groups and civic associations, church, local and provincial governments and finally national government. To that, in his lifetime in mind, have been added supranational organizations such as the European Union, WTO and the United Nations.It is the organizations that are closest to us that have the most influence on our formation. In my words, not Scruton's, human beings are social primates. Fellow members of our family and tribe introduces into the habits and customs of our people. More than that, they joined together to defend the tribe against outsiders and against tragedies such as famine or the unexpected death of a breadwinner. As members of the group we accept an obligation to support the others, in return for which we receive their unstated commitment to support us. Though we call this the "social contract," there is nothing written, and the consideration being exchanged transcends the merely financial. Moreover, our commitment is often not rational.A great many books address these themes. The ones that come immediately to mind are Mother Nature and Mothers and Others by Sarah Blaffer Hardy on our primate inheritance, and books by Daniel Kahneman and Dan Ariely on irrationality.At the end of this review, I offer a few of the most useful quotations from Scruton's second chapter entitled "Starting from Home."The next six chapters address the ways in which conservativism turns out to be form of social organization that best fits human nature. We are not atomistic, free-floating and independent creatures of the Enlightenment, but we are born to be and function best as interdependent members of society. The chapter titles are:The truth in NationalismThe Truth in SocialismThe Truth in CapitalismThe Truth in LiberalismThe Truth in MulticulturalismThe Truth in EnvironmentalismThe Truth in InternationalismThe Truth in ConservativismWoven throughout these chapters is the notion of contracts freely entered by free men, and obligations willingly accepted. For instance, the argument against multiculturalism and internationalism is simply that many of those who would come to enjoyed the benefits of living in England do not reciprocate by integrating themselves into British society. Quite specifically, many cling to Sharia law. The argument against communism and fascism is that the obligations are taken under duress, not freely accepted.A theme that appears throughout the book is that conservativism is a rearguard action. As Bill Buckley said, "Standing athwart the world yelling 'Stop!'" He is concerned that it is a losing battle, but a battle worth fighting nonetheless.With that as a review, here are the particularly useful quotes I copied from chapter 2, "Starting from Home.""A market can deliver a rational allocation of goods and services only where there is trust between its participants, and trust exists only where people take responsibility for their actions and make themselves accountable to those with whom they deal. In other words, economic order depends on moral order."Scruton, Roger. How to be a conservative (Kindle Locations 403-405). Bloomsbury Publishing. Kindle Edition."(Edmund) Burke saw society as an association of the dead, the living and the unborn. Its binding principle is not contract, but something more akin to love. Society is a shared inheritance for the sake of which we learn to circumscribe our demands, to see our own place in things as part of a continuous chain of giving and receiving, and to recognize that the good things we inherit are not ours to spoil. There is a line of obligation that connects us to those who gave us what we have; and our concern for the future is an extension of that line. We take the future of our community into account not by fictitious cost-benefit calculations, but more concretely, by seeing ourselves as inheriting benefits and passing them on."Burke’s complaint against the revolutionaries was that they assumed the right to spend all trusts and endowments on their own self-made emergency. Schools, church foundations, hospitals – all institutions that had been founded by people, now dead, for the benefit of their successors – were expropriated or destroyed, the result being the total waste of accumulated savings, leading to massive inflation, the collapse of education and the loss of the traditional forms of social and medical relief. In this way, contempt for the dead leads to the disenfranchisement of the unborn, and although that result is not, perhaps, inevitable, it has been repeated by all subsequent revolutions. Through their contempt for the intentions and emotions of those who had laid things by, revolutions have systematically destroyed the stock of social capital, and always revolutionaries justify this by impeccable utilitarian reasoning. Homo oeconomicus enters the world without social capital of his own, and he consumes whatever he finds."Society, Burke believed, depends upon relations of affection and loyalty, and these can be built only from below, through face-to-face interaction. It is in the family, in local clubs and societies, in school, workplace, church, team, regiment and university that people learn to interact as free beings, taking responsibility for their actions and accounting to their neighbours. When society is organized from above, either by the top-down government of a revolutionary dictatorship, or by the impersonal edicts of an inscrutable bureaucracy, then accountability rapidly disappears from the political order, and from society too. Top-down government breeds irresponsible individuals, and the confiscation of civil society by the state leads to a widespread refusal among the citizens to act for themselves."Scruton, Roger. How to be a conservative (Kindle Locations 425-438). Bloomsbury Publishing. Kindle Edition."Although the social contract exists in many forms, its ruling principle was announced by Hobbes with the assertion that there can be ‘no obligation on any man which ariseth not from some act of his own’. 1 My obligations are my own creation, binding because freely chosen. When you and I exchange promises, the resulting contract is freely undertaken, and any breach does violence not merely to the other but also to the self, since it is a repudiation of a well-grounded rational choice. If we could construe our obligation to the state on the model of a contract, therefore, we would have justified it in terms that all rational beings must accept. Contracts are the paradigms of self-chosen obligations – obligations that are not imposed, commanded or coerced but freely undertaken. When law is founded in a social contract, therefore, obedience to the law is simply the other side of free choice. Freedom and obedience are one and the same."Scruton, Roger. How to be a conservative (Kindle Locations 464-467). Bloomsbury Publishing. Kindle Edition."Unless the ‘contract between the living’ can be phrased in such a way that the dead and the unborn are a part of it, it becomes a contract to appropriate the earth’s resources for the benefit of its temporary residents."Scruton, Roger. How to be a conservative (Kindle Locations 495-496). Bloomsbury Publishing. Kindle Edition."We can envisage society as founded in a contract only if we see its members as capable of the free and responsible choice that a contract requires. But only in certain circumstances will human beings develop into rational choosers, capable of undertaking obligations and honouring promises, and oriented towards one another in a posture of responsibility. In the course of acquiring this posture towards others, people acquire obligations of quite another kind – obligations to parents, to family, to place and community, upon all of which they have depended for the nurture without which the human animal cannot develop into the human person. Those obligations are not obligations of justice, such as arise from the free dealings of human adults. The Romans knew them as obligations of piety (pietas), meaning that they stem from the natural gratitude towards what is given, a gratitude that we spontaneously direct to the gods."Scruton, Roger. How to be a conservative (Kindle Locations 501-507). Bloomsbury Publishing. Kindle Edition.

I'm still more of a libertarian than a conservative but I learned a lot from this book. Sir Roger Scruton is the most important British political philosopher since Edmund Burke, the two also happen to have a lot in common. Scruton's voice is uniquely suited to our times, his warnings should be heeded lest we lose all our freedoms that our ancestors sacrificed so much to secure.

Great read! Scruton is a brilliant apologist for the cause of conserving the Union, the U.S. Constitution, and freedom.While only a few brave left-wingers would dare or care to read this, it is a worthwhile tool for those who know the truth, and might remain unclear about what to do about it and how to move forward in that truth.Watch Scruton's interview on the Hoover Institution's youtube sight. He's weathered on the outside, but his bright light shines through.

Roger Scruton's words ring so true in this masterpiece of writing. It makes his passing all the more tragic. Sadly, we shall not see his mind again.

Roger Scruton makes a convincing argument for understanding the value of taking conservative positions on preserving our traditional institutions. He discusses the central role of families and why they are needed and the dangers of over reliance on government and its programs to assume the functions that traditional families have performed. He also see the danger of replacing the traditional role of charitable, religious and civic institutions with governmental programs. Over dependence on a central government will lead to changes that may forever destroy the foundations that our current culture and society depended on, leaving citizen only with what the government rulers dictate without any powerful independent institutions to challenge them. In addition Roger Scruton makes a convincing argument for preserving our past, both with public lands and city and town preservation. He has little desire to see centuries of communal institutional developments destroyed and replaced with untested and perhaps seriously flawed replacements

So much insight and wisdom in this book, much of which is so pertinent to our times. A fantastic read leaving much to contemplate and act on.

Scruton is extremely clever and has a very a elegant style. However, the paperback book itself - the physical article - is quite poor. The margins are oppressively narrow, and the type is compact. Call it a nit-pick, but a right arrow in blue spray paint is fully lifeless as a cover design.

So much wonderful text, I wanted to share 5 times a chapter. The author words ideas better than I ever could. I was going to pass it on, but I have to reread it.

The only negative comment I can muster is the title being badly chosen. The book discusses the truth in : Nationalism, Socialism, and other political philosophies ending in -ism. The point being - if there were no truths in these philosophies then they would be long dead. There has to be some truth otherwise gullible intellectuals wouldn't have been taken in by them. But how much of each philosophy is eyewash?Read the book and be informed. An easy read in one sense; he uses no big words. Big ideas perhaps, but everyday words. A dictionary is usually not necessary with a Roger Scruton book.His motivation is to inform you rather than impress you.Each philosophical -ism has a chapter of it's own. The book is laid out logically, and the information flows nicely into the mind. One reviewer says that the book is the ramblings of a drugged mind. Nothing could be further from the truth. That review says more about the reviewer than the book.Once you've read the book you'll probably want to keep it as a reference book. A Thoroughly Enjoyable Read.

I mistakenly thought the title would be a reflection of the content. I thought that I had become a conservative, having attempted to read this book, if this describes what being a conservative means, I hope I am wrong. The book reads like the drug ridden ramblings of someone with severe dementia. The author had a few seconds of clarity, enough for a paragraph but not a book.

Enjoyable in parts, slightly waffling in others, and with very laboured metaphors. A good guide to the background principles of modern conservatism, and eloquently put reasons for why modern leftism must be fought.

Always a thoughtful writer Roger Scruton covers a range of topics in this book. The fundamental question being 'is the state there to protect civic society or is it there to shape it?' And if it is the latter what principles guide it? Another key question is should economics be the primary criteria for judging the success of society?

Written in a simple and rich language with no meaningless affirmations shoot be read bu anunciado personne looping for clear views.

Excellent

ACostumbrado a los políticos conservadores españoles, que ni son conservadores ni poseedores de un perfil democrático auténtico y creíble, el conservadurismo que presenta Roger Scruton, siguiendo una tradición y un canon fielmente británico, es como bendita agua de mayo. Un gran libro que recomiendo a todos los que quieran conocer que es realmente el pensamiento conservador, sus sensatos valores, y su traducción en políticas concretas. Lo he leído en inglés pero creo que hay traducción en español. Scruton es poco conocido en los medios de comunicación de masas, y es una lástima, ya que su visión de la política, basada en un estricto conocimiento filosòfico es del mayor interés. Un libro muy oportuno en estos momentos de confusión i demagogia política en toda Europa. Un gran libro lleno de claridad y sentido común.

Leitura totalmente "obrigatória" para aqueles que se denominam como conservador, de fácil leitura o autor estrutura todos seus pensamentos de forma direta e clara para depois colocar algo mais teórico em suas explanações. Faz você se encontrar e reforçar o que acredita de forma sólida e clara, muito importante nos dias de hoje quando ao meio de tantas ideológias "jogadas ao ar", fica de difícil de defender o que acreditamos como conservadores. Recomendo que junto a leitura do livro as pessoas também procurem pelos vídeos e palestras de Roger Scruton pois juntamente com a leitura de outros dos seus títulos vai ajudar a estruturar muitas das idéias e conceitos fundamentais sobre o mundo numa ótica de direita.Um dos melhores livros que já lí.

Scruton's pocket reference regarding the position of conservatives in this day and age is simple delightfully understandable and too the point, if you are wondering about your own position this is a must read and short as it is well worth anyone's time.

The general perception (at least what I have experienced) with regard to conservatism is that it favors the corporations, it works to maintain inequalities and is generally an ideology rather against the progress.Roger Scruton's book demolishes these cliches by exposing not an ideology, but a philosophy of life which is profoundly humaine, promoting eternal values of the Western, judeo-christian world, which have been the bases of its evolution.The conservatism is therefore not about maintaining a status quo of a certain state of affaires, but about preserving those values which take into account the features of the human nature and are the real building blocks of its evolution.Scruton touches also several topics of actuality through the eyes of this philosophical framework and analyses them without political correctness.Whether your own convictions are close to his or not, reading this book will compel you thinks of them more profoundly.

Roger Scruton abraça uma missão de definir o que é um Conservador, que é algo muito mais distante do que é rotulado pela Nova Esquerda. Leitura obrigatória nesses tempos políticos nebulosos.

I really enjoyed this book. Full of information and easy to read. Highly recommended. Scruton writes like he's an old friend sharing some wisdom with you that he's learnt over the years.

An absolutely superb analysis of conservatism! Not the easiest read, but definitely worthwhile.

Livro maravilhoso, que nos ajuda a ver a vida e a sociedade de maneiras muito profundas e complexas, um alívio para nossa sociedade cada vez mais baseada no fugaz,no nada.

It would not be surprising if a conservative writer wrote about the truth in conservatism. And this is indeed one of the chapter headings of Professor Scruton's book.It would be surprising, however, for such a conservative writer to write about the truth in socialism. Nevertheless, this is the title of one of the other chapters in his book.One possible misunderstanding needs to be set straight before continuing. To judge this book by its cover it might be thought that Scruton's purpose is to tell the reader simply how to be a good member of the Conservative Party. The content of his book would benefit the political expression of the conservatively-minded, but it is aimed at a far wider audience, and with a purpose that goes far beyond party politics.After summing up his own personal journey to the position from which he writes, Scruton considers home as the starting point for any journey. He then continues by describing the truth in nationalism; the truth in capitalism; the truth in liberalism; the truth in multiculturalism; the truth in environmentalism; and the truth in internationalism.In order to see the truth it is also necessary to see the falsehood. Given this antithesis or polarity, each chapter could equally well be titled respectively: `The falsehood in conservatism; socialism; nationalism; capitalism; liberalism; multiculturalism; environmentalism; internationalism'.If one reads him aright he is saying that all those who believe in any of the -isms that form the subject of each chapter actually have common ground with each other. Realising that there is this common ground is vital to provide the opportunity to begin to address the problems he discusses that have arisen in our recent, and shared, past.Scruton makes an important distinction in his discussion of the -isms, these dogmas that have been adopted by Britain's current ruling caste. He does not write about the truth OF conservatism; or the falsehood OF socialism. Such dogmatic claims are not part of what is really his very humble offering. Scruton is courteous and conciliatory to his opponents. Indeed, each chapter is a model of inclusiveness. (He is also a very brave and resourceful man, having faced down the secret police in Czechoslovakia).Scruton, however, is no ordinary conservative, if one may use `ordinary' without detracting from anything that either he or any other conservative believes by the term. He is able to present an accessible analysis of what other conservatives can only feel instinctively. Even so, he is especially critical of some of the political and economic ideas that have become associated with the political expression of conservatism. In this book he also shows that the caricatures that are held about conservatives are without foundation. This is his third attempt at doing so.At the heart of Scruton's book is an appeal for understanding. Even more than that, Scruton argues that understanding is a vital necessity before we are able to pursue any of the hopes and aspirations that we may have for ourselves and our children.He writes of the nature of friendship. As traditionally conceived, he says, friendship is a route to self-knowledge. In the light of this he considers the effects of the internet on human relationships. In the first paragraph on page 46 the reader will find the most concise description of the actual working of the socialist state.Scruton points out that bound into the fabric of any political discussion are the terms used. These, such as 'socialism' and 'capitalism', are jargon that were invented more than a century ago. They are, he argues, part of obsolete theories, and relate to circumstances that no longer exist. They must be recognised as such, and any discussion must 'look at the world afresh, using the natural language of human relations'.This is the first part of the necessary understanding: where we are in the society that has been forged by others for us to live in, and what it has done to us.The second part of the understanding that is necessary is something that is close to the author's heart - education. Parents are passionate in wanting a good education for their child. However, what constitutes good education needs to be clearly defined. Scruton describes the purpose of education as it has been refashioned in Britain by the current political class. As long ago as the early 1960's C S Lewis poured scorn on the educational objective that was then being proposed, that all children should emerge from schooling with 'parity of esteem' (see his short story, Screwtape Proposes a Toast). Scruton shows why this objective, now known under a different formula of words, fails children of whatever background and natural ability.One of the concluding chapters is entitled 'Practical Matters'. This is Scruton's overriding objective in all he argues. He begins by defining the default position of human beings in respect of tolerance and freedom. He then develops this into an argument for civil society, explaining why civil society is even more important than democracy as this is popularly conceived.Why be a conservative?This could have been the title of this book. In each chapter Scruton gives many answers to this question. These answers turn out to be something that is the common possession of all and in the common interest of all.